ANCYL NATIONALISATION DOCUMENT PDF

These anniversaries coincide with the ANC National General Council in and National Conference in , but most significantly represent significant periods in the growth, political and ideological development of the African National Congress. These anniversaries should serve to give practical meaning and coherent actualisation of the Freedom Charter, which has since its adoption, inspired hope for majority of the people of South Africa. The document is aware that various other strategic sectors of the economy should be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole, yet thematically focusing on the transfer of Mineral wealth to the ownership and benefit of the people as a whole. The attainment of the Freedom Charter objectives remains the strategic objective of the African National Congress. It is against this background upon which a concrete position on the nationalisation of Mines is formulated in order to guide the ANC in the transfer of mineral wealth beneath the soil to the ownership and benefit of the people as a whole.

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These anniversaries coincide with the ANC National General Council in and National Conference in , but most significantly represent significant periods in the growth, political and ideological development of the African National Congress. These anniversaries should serve to give practical meaning and coherent actualisation of the Freedom Charter, which has since its adoption, inspired hope for majority of the people of South Africa.

The document is aware that various other strategic sectors of the economy should be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole, yet thematically focusing on the transfer of Mineral wealth to the ownership and benefit of the people as a whole.

The attainment of the Freedom Charter objectives remains the strategic objective of the African National Congress. It is against this background upon which a concrete position on the nationalisation of Mines is formulated in order to guide the ANC in the transfer of mineral wealth beneath the soil to the ownership and benefit of the people as a whole. This is to ensure that the "use of natural resources of which the state is the custodian of on behalf of the people, including our minerals, water, marine resources in a manner that promotes the sustainability and development of local communities and also realises the economic and social needs of the whole nation [2] ", as resolved in the 52nd National Conference of the African National Congress in December For such a task, the document will do the following; a.

Provide a conceptual foundation on the kind of Nationalisation advocated for in the document. Provide information on the state of minerals resources and mining in South Africa.

Provide a brief political foundation within which Mines should be nationalised. Illustrate the Freedom Charter as a foundation of the objective to nationalise Mines. Provide and outline a case for nationalisation in South Africa. Why Nationalisation? Identify and clarify possible challenges on the nationalisation of Mines.

It should be firmly stated in this perspective that the document derives lessons from various other models and attempts of ensuring that common ownership of strategic resources benefit the entire population. While deriving these lessons, the intention is not to blindly copy what happened in other countries, sectors, situations and periods, but to present a unique compelling case suitable for South Africa.

Emphasis is once more placed that this is not a broad economic transformation perspective. The perspective specifically focuses on the Nationalisation of Mines, and acutely aware that other strategic sectors of the economy, such as banks and monopoly industries should be publicly controlled to benefit the people as a whole.

The massive poverty challenges, unemployment and unequal spatial development realities calls for an urgent focus on mineral resources. Minerals Resources refer to all the more than 50 non-renewable precious, industrial and chemical stones extracted from Mines in South Africa. Components of this understanding of Nationalisation of Mines include the following vital components: First is the understanding that nationalisation is not a be-all and end-all of economic transformation.

In other words, having nationalised key parts of the economy does not automatically mean that indeed the entire wealth is in the hands of the people and that the people will benefit from such wealth. The role of the revolutionary trade union movement and progressive professionals is critical in this regard.

Secondly, nationalisation should be accompanied by thorough transformation of state-owned enterprises. Thirdly, nationalisation should help build strategic capacity of the state to unlock resources for development and growth path that is more inclusive and equitable and does not heavily rely on exportation of primary commodities and importation of almost all consumer goods and services.

The strategic capacity of the state through public ownership enables the state to lead other sectors to achieve these broader societal goals. The kind of nationalisation proposed is not generalised nationalisation, even of industries that are of no strategic importance.

The most strategic industries, tends out to be largely monopoly industries, but it is debatable if public ownership should be limited to this sector.

The sections below will outline the concrete models to be taken in the immediate as a programme of nationalisation of Mines. Fifthly, depending on the merits of each case based on "balance of evidence", nationalisation may involve expropriation with or without compensation.

The manner in which nationalisation will be approached will neither be generalised compensation, nor generalised expropriation without compensation. Expropriation without compensation should apply for Mines that are not profitable, laying off huge numbers of workers and in financial crisis. Finally, nationalisation is not meant to bail out indebted capitalists, who because of the financial crisis are loosing profits due to declining consumption and demand of commodities.

Depending on the merits of each case based on "balance of evidence", nationalisation may involve expropriation with or without compensation. In any event, it will be pointless to nationalise a Mine that is barren simply because it is a Mine. Consideration of the strategic importance and potential of a Mine to contribute towards the development of the national productive forces will have to be brought to bear.

The call for nationalisation is a principled one, not based on whether global commodity prices are up or down. Our call is based on strategic considerations, the need to empower the democratic state direct the development of our economy through direct control of resource allocation to priority sectors, the need to increase the capacity of the state to directly earn foreign exchange and to significantly stabilise the revenue side of public finances.

The discovery of the Witwatersrand goldfields in was a turning point in the history of South Africa. It presaged the emergence of the modern South African industrial state. The most brutal and fatal wars of conquest and resistance were intensified after the discovery of minerals in South Africa.

The hardening of racial attitudes that accompanied the rise of a more militant colonial conquest coincided locally with the watershed discovery of mineral riches in the interior of southern Africa. The history of how Africans were coerced into wage labour through tax, abduction and forced labour defines how African communities were disorganised because of the discovery and extraction of minerals in South Africa.

The emergence of the City Johannesburg, Kimberley, development of railway and various other sophisticated transport infrastructures in South Africa, and the corresponding growth of shanty towns are linked to the development of mining sector. From the mid 19th century to now, South Africa developed to discover many other mineral resources. In , about 55 different minerals were produced from 1 mines and quarries, whereon which 45 produced gold, 26 produced platinum-group minerals, 64 produced coal and produced diamonds, all as primary commodities, with an increase of mines from [3] ".

Such advantage can never be subjected to the whims and directives of few investors elsewhere at the expense of local economic development. This in itself gives South Africa a strategic advantage to marshal the development of the economy, particularly industry around the Minerals Resources beneath the soil.

Most industries that developed are interlinked with the supply side of the mining industry, with little diversification away from mining. South Africa was self-sufficient in the vast majority of its mineral needs, the bulk of which were produced in the northern half of the country. South Africa is among the top five countries in terms of minerals reserves, ranking first in reserves of andalusite, chromite, gold, manganese, PGMs, and vanadium.

Mining and quarrying contributed 8,9 percent to Total Fixed Capital Formation. The major local income earner for the year was metallic commodities at 43,3 percent, followed by coal at 31,7 percent and miscellaneous mineral commodities with 12,7 percent, while industrial commodities accounted for 12,6 percent of local sales value. The average number of workers employed in the mining industry increased by 8,6 percent to in , as a result of expansion projects.

Wage income amounted to R50,09 billion in , or 22,4 percent of total mining revenue, an increase in nominal terms of 28,5 percent compared with that of [7]. Democratic change in South Africa during the s resulted in the endorsement of the principles of private enterprise within a free-market system, offering equal opportunities for all the people. Discriminatory policies excluded a large sector of the population from full participation in the South African minerals industry during the pre period, before democracy was realised.

The restructuring of the South African economy and changing local and international circumstances were taken into consideration by the DME, which drafted the new Act. Previously South African mineral rights were owned either by the state or the private sector. This dual ownership system represented an entry barrier to potential new investors.

The MPRDA was also designed to release the monopoly stranglehold of five mining investment houses and allow entry by the aspirant black middle class entry into the mining industry. In other words, once those with licenses begin to operate, there is nothing that stops them from selling our mineral wealth to the highest bidder in global markets, even if national imperatives require that such resources be used to support national development.

This point under-scores the perspective that this document advances-that the democratic state should directly own and control the production and use of raw minerals in order to guarantee the flow of resources to critical sectors in our economy, not in order to maximize profit as the current holders of licenses do.

South Africa needs, for example, A-grade coal to generate electricity with lesser pollution in the short to medium term. Yet, such high quality coal has already been sold forward and will continue to be sold to the highest bidder, in the global commodity market. The emancipation of the African majority fundamentally means that they should be capable and empowered to be at the cutting edge and control of the development of the national forces of production.

The most direct route through which this can be achieved, within the framework of deepening nation-building and maintaining the unity of the motive forces of our revolution, is through democratic state ownership and control of the strategic sectors of the South African economy. It provides the basis for speedier implementation of programmes to build a truly democratic and prosperous society. The legal and policy scaffolding for this is essentially in place. Most of society wants this to happen [9] ".

It may also be added that the global crisis of imperialism has also exposed the bankruptcy of the ideology of market forces as a supreme arbiter in the trade-offs associated with resource allocation. On this basis, the relevance of state activity in the economy has occupied the centre-stage. The combined occurrence of the global crisis of capitalism and the veritable shift in the balance of forces as pointed out by the ANC cannot go to waste. It is opportune time to deepen the economic transformation implied by the national democratic revolution.

Elements of the understanding of a "prosperous society" are contained in the Freedom Charter. The SACP programme declared its unqualified support to the Freedom Charter with an understanding that firstly, "the Freedom Charter is not a programme for socialism [12] " and secondly, the immediate programme for the Communist Party included, "demanding the nationalisation of the mining industry, banking and monopoly industrial establishments, thus also laying the foundations for the advance to socialism [13] ".

The Freedom Charter has since its adoption guided the Mass Democratic Movement in the struggle to emancipate the black majority and Africans in particular from social and economic bondage.

In the context of engaging the perspective on Nationalisation of Mines, all revolutionaries, activists and members of the revolutionary movement that adhere to the National Democratic Revolution should, as Dialego cautioned, avoid a "the tendency to overestimate the strength of the enemy so that the superficial appearances of the moment are mistaken for the deeper trends at work in historical reality.

We certainly should ground the perspective on revolutionary theory, such that the subsequent practice is not detached from our theoretical perspectives. The aim remains the attainment of the Freedom Charter and what happens after that is completely a different question. The Nationalisation of Mines also happens within a context where the ANC is the legitimate and legal leader not only of government and the State, but of the South African society, Southern Africa Region and the African continent.

Various other nations in the world look up to South Africa for leadership, innovation and readiness to break new ground. Consequently, the people of South Africa have legitimate expectations on what the ANC can and should do to better their lives. It is also important to highlight the fact that global markets have also penetrated the strategic sectors of the South African economy.

The move to nationalise mines is bound to elicit some imperialist backlash. This calls upon the democratic movement to galvanise the majority of our people to stand ready to defend the revolutionary resolution that the revolutionary movement will take on this matter.

This is not just a matter of debits and credits in the capital account; it is more a matter of politics and the balance of forces in the struggle. It is a question of giving coherent economic meaning to the concept of national emancipation.

To the progressive Mass Democratic Movement, the Freedom Charter is a direct result of the two ANC Conferences before and a subsequent intensive, nation-wide consultative process led by the entire Congress movement with the people of South Africa.

The Freedom Charter is therefore an expression of the social, political and economic will of South Africans, not personal intellectual property of the people who participated in its formulation. In this connection Conference enjoins all National Organisations, Church movements and associations to support, join in and participate in the great Campaign for the calling of the mighty Congress of the People having as its aim the drawing up of a Freedom Charter embodying the aspirations of the people of South Africa for a future free, united, multi-national, democratic community in which oppression and exploitation will be a thing of the past [17] ".

The authentic Congress of the People adopted the Freedom Charter on the 26th of June in Kliptown in what is hailed as the greatest moment in the history of the National Liberation Movement in South Africa. Nelson Mandela says that "the intensive and nation-wide political campaigning that preceded it, the 2, elected delegates of the people that attended, the attention it attracted far and wide and the favourable comment it continues to receive at home and abroad from people of divers political opinions and beliefs long after its adoption, are evidence of this fact [18] ".

The Freedom Charter heralded a heroic and dedicated struggle for the emancipation of the black majority and Africans in particular, and united all progressive forces against apartheid repression, oppression and exploitation. It is the uniting creed of all the people struggling for democracy and for their rights; the mirror of the future South Africa. The defeat of the Nationalists and the course of the Congress movement depend on every fighter for freedom grasping fully the meaning and significance, and the purpose of the Freedom Charter [19] ".

Notably, the Freedom Charter was extensively deliberated upon in the Congress and faced fierce opposition from within the African National Congress, not only as a policy perspective, but the ultimate strategic objective of the African National Congress. Writing about the Freedom Charter in , Nelson Mandela said. Never before has any document or conference constituted such a serious and formidable challenge to the racial and anti-popular policies of the country [20] ".

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The inputs, particularly from renowned academics, public intellectuals, members of the ANC, the alliance, and importantly ordinary people at grassroots level are particularly appreciated. This does not however mean that there were no detractors, who sought to divert our attention from the strategic questions raised in the perspective. Now the input by Comrade Joel Netshitenzhe is not part of detractors, but represents a conservative ideological wave in the ANC. This ideological wave oddly believes that some of the tactical retreats taken upon transition by the ANC-led liberation movement constituted total capitulation.

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ANCYL NATIONALISATION DOCUMENT PDF

The document in the first sections deals with research, political and ideological conceptions - with this portion of the document the Union is of the view that there is no need to engage with facts and ideological perspectives that are known and acceptable. What should be engaged with are the sections "Why Mines should be nationalized" and "What is to be done". In the debate, the ANCYL managed to bring back to the discussions and focus of the movement the question of nationalization and the need to have the Freedom Charter as central to the economic policies of the ANC and government. The document however has the following weaknesses: 1. Blackmailing those who differ with the approach or the debate; 2. Ignoring both legislative and policy frameworks dealing with this debate; and 3.

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Gohn The Freedom Charter guides out programme towards Nationalisation of Mines, but we specifically emphasise the following reasons why nationalisation should happen:. Whatever can be said about the Labour Party, the reality is that it betrayed the post colonial Zimbabwe and most of the problems faced in Zimbabwe currently are linked docujent the betrayal by the Labour Party on the land question. Technology that will change the face of corporate travel in SA in WFDY opposed apartheid for a very long time and its existence should forever be consolidated nationallsation oppose any form of injustice across the world. How South Africa hosts the World Cup will go a long way in defining and redefining the perceptions and misperceptions people in the world have about Africa. The reality of the situation is that most of our people, including opposition parties, expect leadership from the ANC and when it comes to youth issues, the Youth League should be at the forefront. In IUSY we have an organisation that is struggling to find itself, and we risk the chances of sharing platforms with reactionary organisations, such the Young Labour, a youth wing of the imperialist Labour Party from Britain. The issue of the nationalisation of the mines was raised by the league and it gained momentum ahead of the ANC national general congress NGC in Durban last year.

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Debates on this subject are vexed by the fact that nationalisation takes many different forms. We need to ensure that proposals become more specific about a who would end up owning the assets, b who would manage them, and with what purpose, c what would be the costs to the fiscus and the economy, and d what would be the risks of failure as well as the benefits of success. The Zambian experience with nationalising the mines points to some of the risks. It ended up hiring back the multinational copper companies to manage them. As international copper prices fell, the companies enjoyed guaranteed management fees while the state had to bear the losses to the mines". Nevertheless, the ANC Youth League will consistently bear the patience of explaining and re-explaining the perspective on Nationalisation of Mines to avoid the resurfacing of rhetorical questions because the ANC NGC should not deal with those, but the central questions of when does the State begin to own and control strategic sectors of the economy, in this instance Mines.

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